In 1973 it was decided to move the capital city from Dar es Salaam on the coast to Dodoma in the centre. The position of this city is suitable in so far as it is on communication networks and is in the centre of the country about 320 km inland. However, it is also a dry and desolate area and the major problem with the plan has been the cost of moving. A Presidential official residence, the Prime Minister’s office, and a National Assembly building have all been established there but the cost of relocation and the unwillingness of government employees have forced the rest of central government to remain in Dar.
In 1975 a law was passed that gave legal supremacy to TANU as the national political party, and in 1977 TANU and the Afro-Shirazi party (which had taken control in Zanzibar after the revolution) merged to form Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) the ‘party of the Nation’. The 1970s saw the gradual disintegration of the East Africa Community (EAC), which involved Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda in a customs union and provision of common services. Tanzania and Kenya had different ideological perspectives, and the three countries could not agree on the distribution of the costs and services of the EAC. Things came to a head over East African Airways. The failure of Tanzania and Uganda to remit funds to Kenya caused Kenya to ‘ground’ the airline (conveniently when all the planes were sitting on the tarmac in Kenya) and Tanzania reacted by closing the border with Kenya in February 1977. The border was only reopened in 1983 after the ownership of the EAC’s assets was finally agreed.
In 1978 Tanzania’s relations with neighbouring Uganda worsened and skirmishes on the border were followed by an announcement by Idi Amin that Uganda had annexed the Kagera salient. This is an area of about 1800 sq km of Tanzanian territory west of Lake Victoria. The Organization of African Unity (OAU) applied pressure, which caused Uganda to withdraw, but fighting continued. In January 1979 a Tanzanian force of over 20,000 invaded Uganda, Amin’s army capitulated and the Tanzanians rapidly took control of the southern part of the country. The invading force had withdrawn by 1981 having spent the interim period in Uganda overseeing the election of Milton Obote for the second time. A remarkable feature of this episode is that, despite being the only African country ever to win a war in the 20th century, this event is not celebrated in Tanzania. The only monument is a small pyramid on columns, located on the road from Bukoba to Masaka, just south of the border. It is dedicated to the 16 Tanzanian soldiers who died in the war.
In 1985 Nyerere decided to step down as President of Tanzania (the first President in post-independence Africa to retire voluntarily). He remained as Chairman of the party (CCM) before formally retiring from politics in 1990. Vice-President Sokoine, who had been widely thought of as Nyerere’s successor, had been killed in a car crash in October 1984. Ali Hassan Mwinyi, who was then President of Zanzibar, was nominated to be the sole candidate for President and was elected in October 1985.
Throughout the early 1980s Tanzania had been put under pressure to accept economic reforms suggested by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. These financial institutions, as well as Western governments, aid donors and foreign investors argued that the socialist development strategy had led to a crisis involving falling incomes, decaying infrastructure, deteriorating health and educational provision and a climate of petty corruption. For many years Tanzania resisted changes, but eventually the climate of opinion changed in 1986, under Mwinyi, a market economy strategy was adopted, and Tanzania began an economic recovery.
In 1993, Tanzania allowed political parties other than CCM to form. In October 1995 there were elections in which CCM won a substantial majority of seats in the Union Assembly. The Presidency was won by the CCM candidate, Benjamin Mkapa, Mwinyi having retired after two terms in office. Mkapa won comfortably with 62% of the vote, and the practice of having two Vice-Presidents (with one being the President of Zanzibar) was discontinued.
In 1995, the main opposition in Zanzibar, the Civic United Front (CUF) ran CCM very close in both the Zanzibar Assembly and in the race for the Zanzibar Presidency. There were allegations of election fraud, supported by evidence from international observers. Nonetheless, CCM formed the administration in Zanzibar, and Salim Amour was installed as Zanzibar’s President. It was around this time that various Zanzibari separatist groups formed in exile, some wishing merely for independence, others pressing for an independent Islamic state, but splits within the separatist movement have enabled the government to contain the problem so far.
The 2000 election was fought by fewer parties, but the opposition was still divided, and CCM and Mkapa had comfortable victories. In Zanzibar the incumbent President, Salim Amour, having completed two terms, was prevented from running again. His successor as CCM candidate for the Presidency was Amani Karume, son of the former President. On election day there was chaos at the polls, and elections in 16 constituencies had to be re-run. Despite opposition claims of electoral fraud, the outcome was a victory for CCM and Karume. Seif Shariff Hamad, the CUF leader, got the remaining 33%. His party won 16 assembly seats on the island of Pemba. Both parties signed a reconciliation agreement in 2001 and Zanzibar is set to remain part of Tanzania. But the CUF, which enjoys strong support on Pemba, has called for greater autonomy and some CUF members have called for independence. In 2005, Zanzibar presented its new flag, the first time for over 40 years that the archipelago has flown its own flag since uniting with Tanganyika to form Tanzania in 1964, though Zanzibar’s government has stressed the adoption of a flag does not mean that this is a move towards independence.
In April 2004 Tanzania celebrated its 40th birthday as an independent country and in 2005 went to the polls again. Mpaka had already served for two terms and the constitution didn’t allow him to stand for a third. There were 10 party candidates for presidency but Jakaya Mrisho Kikwete from the CCM and the former Minister of Foreign Affairs under Mpaka won a land-sliding 80% of the vote. Karume kept his position on Zanzibar with 53% of the vote, though this time round it was much closer with Shariff Hamad getting 46%. Nevertheless the election was largely without incident.
Overall, since 1995 Tanzania’s political stability has remained excellent. The government has stayed secure in a period that has seen the advent of multiparty democracy and economic policies that have changed from socialism to capitalism. There is still significant room for improvement on poverty reduction, public services and infrastructure but on the whole Tanzania is fairly stable and has good prospects for the future. Fairly young (he was only 55 when he became president) Kikwete is well respected, and during his 10 year term as Minister of Foreign Affairs was involved in conflict resolution for troubled neighbours Burundi and the Democratic of Congo and is currently the Chairperson of the African Union. He was close to Nyerere, and to some regard his governing philosophies of investing in people have been influenced by Nyerere. Education is one of his priorities and since 2005, 1500 new secondary schools have been built across Tanzania and a new university is currently being built in Dodoma. Other successes include progressive anti- corruption initiatives and the launch of nationwide voluntary HIV/AIDS testing programme, for which Kikwete and his wife were the first to take the test.