Syria travel guide

Robert Fisk, The Great War for Civilization: The Conquest of the Middle East, Harper Collins, 2006. Highly readable history of the Middle East since the First World War combined with Fisk’s stories from the frontline as a reporter.

;Robert Fisk, Pity the Nation: Lebanon at War, OUP, 1997. Moving account based on Fisk’s reporting of Lebanon’s civil war, internationally acclaimed and compelling reading.

Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples, Faber and Faber, 1991. Comprehensive and highly regarded work which focuses as much on the social as the political history of the Arabs.

Bernard Lewis, From Babel to Dragomans: Interpreting the Middle East, OUP, 2004. Selection of the author’s writings on the Middle East; covering politics, history and religion in the region.

Amin Maalouf, The Crusades Through Arab Eyes, Al Saqi, 1984. Original account of the Crusades from the Arab perspective.

Ulfat Idilbi, Sabriya: Damascus Bitter Sweet, Quartet Books, 1995. Novel set in 1920s French Mandate Syria.

Ammar Abdulhamid, Menstruation, Saqi, 2001. Explores sexuality themes and clashes within a strict religious framework.

The Koran, Penguin, 1993. Well regarded translation of the Qur’an.

Karen Armstrong, Muhammad: A biography of the Prophet, Phoenix Press, 2001. Highly readable biography of the founder of Islam.

Karen Armstrong, Islam: A Short History, Weidenfield and Nicolson, 2005. Concise and accessible examination of Islam.

Bernard Lewis, The Assassins, Al Saqi, 1985. Detailed and scholarly work examining the origins and history of the Assassins.

Gertrude Bell, The Desert and the Sown (various imprints). Bell’s classic account of her journey through the Middle East at the turn of the century.

Agatha Christie, Come, tell me how you live: An Archaeological Memoir (various imprints). Entertaining account of Christie’s time on an archaeological dig with her husband.

William Dalrymple, From the Holy Mountain: A Journey in the Shadow of Byzantium, Flamingo, 1998, Highly readable account of a journey through the Christian world of the Middle East.

Marius Kociejowski, The Street Philosopher and the Holy Fool: A Syrian Journey, Stroud, 2005. Evocative account of the author’s journeys to Syria.

TE Lawrence, Seven Pillars of Wisdom (various imprints). Lawrence’s own account of the Arab Revolt and his part in it. Despite his somewhat impenetrable style, the book is a compelling one.

The Late Bronze Age (1550-1200 BC) saw further upheavals in the region. The expulsion of the Hyskos from Egypt by the pharaohs of New Kingdom Egypt in around 1550 BC was soon followed by a far greater Egyptian involvement in the region, particularly along the Mediterranean coast in centres such as Ugarit. Around the same time, a new people of Indo-European origin, the Hittites, were advancing into the region from the northwest. These were complemented by the Hurrians and later the Mittanites who arrived from the northeast. The latter two blended into a federation known as the Mittani kingdom. For a time, the Egyptian, Hittite and Mittani Empires formed a triangle of ‘super-powers’ fighting for control of the region. Eventually the Mittani kingdom was absorbed into that of the Hittites, the struggle for supremacy becoming a straight battle between the Egyptians and Hittites. The armies of the two powers finally met head on at Kadesh, though the outcome of the battle was inconclusive, with both sides claiming victory.

In AD 312 Constantine had converted to Christianity, which was already spreading throughout the empire, despite the attempts of Diocletian to suppress it. A year later, the Edict of Milan officially gave Christians the right to practise their religion and by AD 380, Christianity had been adopted as the official religion of the Roman Empire. Although the Byzantine period can be said to have effectively started earlier (according to some interpretations, with the rise of Constantine to the position of sole emperor in AD 324), most historians date the Byzantine period from the official division of the Roman Empire into East and West in AD 395, with the Eastern Roman Empire becoming known as the Byzantine Empire.

Many of the former pagan temples of the Romans were converted into great churches during this era, for example at Damascus. In addition, numerous Christian communities flourished, particularly in the so called ‘Dead City’ region around Aleppo (and most famously at the pilgrimage site of St Simeon), but also throughout the rest of the empire. The Byzantine period in the Middle East spawned many fundamentally important innovations in religious architecture, the influence of which can still be seen today.

Under the reign of Theodosius II (AD 408-450), the ‘100 Year Peace’ was established with the Sassanids, and the region was able to prosper as it had done under the Romans. During the reign of Justinian (AD 527-565), the Byzantine Empire again came under repeated attacks from the Sassanids, who on several occasions made deep incursions into Byzantine territory. Nevertheless, Justinian’s rule was also marked by a flowering of Byzantine culture and architecture.

All around the peripheries of the Middle East, the Fertile Crescent provided the ideal conditions for the development of settled agriculture. This occurred towards the end of the Mesolithic period and during the early stages of the Pre-Pottery Neolithic period (8500-6000 BC). Wheat and barley appear to have been first cultivated around 10,000 years ago, while 8000 to 9000 years ago sheep and goats began to be fully domesticated. Hunting and gathering still played an important role, while the domestication of sheep and goats still required a semi-nomadic lifestyle in order to find suitable grazing. Gradually, however, small permanent settlements became more widely established.

During the Pottery Neolithic period (6000-4500 BC), baked clay (ceramic) wares made their first appearance. This period witnessed a marked reduction in levels of rainfall, and settlement tended to shift to riverside and coastal sites. In northern Mesopotamia and Syria, centred around the Kabur Triangle, the Halaf Culture developed (named after pottery finds dating from this period at Tell Halaf), overlapping with the Samarra culture of southern Mesopotamia. At sites such as Ras Shamra (Ugarit) on the Mediterranean coast, small settlements were being established.

The triumphant entry of the Allies and the Arab nationalist forces into Damascus on 1 October 1918 signalled the final collapse of the Ottoman Empire and defeat of the Central Powers. The end of the First World War saw Sharif Hussein’s third son, Feisal, established in Damascus as the head of an Arab government that recognized the suzerainty of his father, the ruler of the Hejaz. Feisal, however, only controlled one of three Occupied Enemy Territory Administrations (this consisted of present-day Jordan, Syria and the inland areas of Lebanon, while the British controlled Palestine and the French the coastal areas as far north as present-day Turkey). Each of these OETAs was under the overall control of the British commander General Allenby who, while recognizing Feisal’s government, described it as ‘purely provisional’.

Feisal attended the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 and secured the promise of an International Commission of Inquiry to look into the question of Syrian unity. The King-Crane Commission, as it became known, recommended that, “the unity of Syria be preserved, in accordance with the earnest petition of the great majority of the Syrian people”. However, in response to increasing French pressure, Britain agreed in September 1919 to withdraw its troops from Syria and Lebanon. In January 1920 Feisal managed to negotiate an agreement with the French Premier, Georges Clemenceau, which allowed a temporary French military presence along the coast in return for French acknowledgement of Syrian unity and Feisal’s rule over the interior. The end of Clemenceau’s term in office saw the agreement repudiated and in response the General Syrian Congress proclaimed Feisal king of all Syria. A month later, however, at the San Remo Conference in April 1920, Britain and France formally divided historic Syria between them, the French Mandate covering present-day Syria and Lebanon, while the British Mandate covered Palestine, Transjordan and Iraq. On 24 July 1920 Fesial was forced out of Damascus by the French, and later installed instead as the king of Iraq by the British.

Although the Persians were at first successful in their battles with the Greeks, ultimately it was the latter who triumphed, Alexander the Great of Macedon defeating the forces of Darius III at the battle of Issus in 333 BC. When he died at Babylon in 323 BC, Alexander was only 33 years old, but in the space of just 10 years he had succeeded in creating an empire larger even than that of the Persians.

After his death, Alexander’s Empire was partitioned between his generals. Ptolemy I Soter gained control of Egypt, southern Lebanon and southern Syria (including Damascus), founding what became known as the Ptolemid Empire. Seleucus I Nicator, meanwhile, gained control of Mesopotamia, Asia Minor and northern Syria, establishing what became known as the Seleucid Empire. Over the next century, the Seleucids extended their control southwards, driving the Ptolemids back into Egypt, though at the same time they lost Asia Minor to the Romans and Mesopotamia to the Parthians (who arose from the ashes of the Persian Empire). Thus much of present-day Syria came to be controlled by the Seleucids.

The Seleucids continued the process, begun under Alexander, of Hellenization, ‘founding’ new cities such as Antioch (now called Antakya and in present-day Turkey), Apamea and Dura Europos. In addition the Seleucids made their mark on the great cities of the region, including Aleppo, Damascus, and many others. They laid out a distinctive grid pattern of streets and erected civic buildings and monuments, bringing with them Greek political and legal institutions, and indeed the Greek language. All the same, many of these cities were able to establish a high degree of autonomy within the empire, often amounting to near independence. The Seleucids, being relatively small in number, had no choice but to let them run their own affairs, albeit in a Hellenistic way. In the countryside, they made little or no impression.

The start of the Iron Age saw two major migrations, which brought with them fundamental changes to the region. The first was the violent invasion of the Sea Peoples, about which remarkably little is known. As JD Muhly points out: “While the Egyptian texts refer to massed invasions by land and by sea of various groups collectively known as the ‘Peoples of the Sea’, it has been notoriously difficult to find any trace of such people in the archaeological record. Only the Phillistines, who gave their name to what was thereafter known as Palestine, subsequent to their settlement in the area as Egyptian garrison troops, can be identified in the archaeological context by their distinctive painted pottery” (JD Muhly in Ebla to Damascus). What is known, however, is that these Sea Peoples overthrew the Hittite Empire and largely destroyed Ugarit.

In the wake of the Sea Peoples came the Aramaeans, a semi-nomadic Semitic people who arrived from the deserts of Arabia and settled in central and northern Syria, blending with the small neo-Hittite kingdoms which had arisen in the wake of the destruction of the Hittite Empire. The Aramaeans also established themselves in Damascus, where they checked the expansion of the kingdoms of Judah and Israel to the south.

The final fall of the Seleucid Empire came with the conquest of Antioch by the Roman general Pompey in 64 BC. The Romans created the province of Syria in their newly acquired territory and adopted Antioch as its capital. Initially, the Romans were much more concerned with their own internal power struggles, and at one stage the Parthians even succeeded in occupying much of Syria. Rome’s bloody intrigues finally drew to an end with the abolition of the Roman Republic and the appointment of Octavian (Augustus Caesar) as the first Roman emperor in 29 BC.

Thus at first the Romans were only able to exercise loose political control, declaring the former city-states of the Seleucid Empire ‘free cities’. In the south, the Nabatean kingdom continued to exist as an independent entity, keeping Damascus until as late as AD 54. After that it was pushed back into its former confines of Petra, though in AD 70 it pushed northwards again and briefly made Bosra the capital of its empire

Octavian’s rise to the position of emperor in 29 BC heralded a gradual improvement in the overall state of affairs in the province of Syria. Though there were many areas over which they still had only nominal control, Roman rule brought with it peace and an orderly, efficient administration – the so called Pax Romana – which allowed the region to flourish economically. The loose federation known as the Decapolis, or ‘Ten Cities’, emerged, straddling the borders of present-day southern Syria and northern Jordan, with cities such as Bosra and Jerash (in present-day Jordan) benefiting from the north-south trade between Damascus and the Red Sea. In Damascus, the former temple of Haddad was gradually expanded and converted into a temple dedicated to the Roman god Jupiter, and the principal Via Recta (the Straight Street of the Bible) was widened and colonnaded. In the Syrian desert, Palmyra began to emerge as a major trading post on the route between Dura Europos and Emesa (Homs). Ironically, in the case of Palmyra, it was actually its position in the no man’s land between Parthian and Roman power that helped it to flourish.

The Romans also developed their new province agriculturally and the area around Bosra became a major grain producing region, the ‘bread basket’ of the Roman Empire), while in the rocky limestone hills around Aleppo, richer landowners were able to embark on the long-term project of developing olive groves. Throughout Syria, it is the monuments of the Roman era which have survived, the ubiquitous building projects of the Romans having overlain those of the Greeks whom they replaced. Socially and culturally, however, the region’s Hellenistic influences continued to be felt long afterwards. Greek remained the official language, and the Romans relied heavily on pre-existing Hellenistic administrative structures.

In AD 106, during the reign of Trajan, the empire was substantially reorganized. The Nabatean kingdom of Petra was incorporated into the empire and a new province of Arabia created alongside that of Syria, with Bosra as its capital. As a result of this, Palmyra entered its golden age, surpassing Petra in significance as a centre of trade.

The marriage in AD 187 of Septimus Severus to the daughter of the High Priest of Homs, Julia Domna, heralded a ‘Syrian’ line of Roman emperors, ensuring a greater direct Syrian influence in the affairs of Imperial Rome. However, during the rule of Caracalla (AD 211-217) and his successor Elagabalus (AD 217-222), the empire began to descend into degeneracy. The reigns of Alexander Severus (AD 222-235) and Philip the Arab (AD 244-249) provided brief respites, but by that time Rome’s Empire in the Middle East was under serious threat.

Since the late second century, the advances of the Parthians from the east had become a major preoccupation. In the early part of the third century the Parthians were replaced by the Sassanid Persians, who posed an even more pressing threat. In 256 Dura Europos fell to the Sassanids. Four years later, the emperor Valerian was captured by the Sassanids and disaster was only averted when the king of Palmyra, Odainat, defeated them the same year. This set the stage for the legendary Queen Zenobia to establish Palmyra as an independent kingdom until the emperor Aurelian captured it in 271.

The Abbasids sought to bring Islamic rule back to the more rigorous and theocratic interpretations they felt it deserved. They transferred the seat of the caliphate to Iraq, first to Kufa and then Baghdad. In doing so, they abandoned the blending of Eastern and Western influences which characterized Umayyad rule and brought to the empire a distinctively Mesopotamian and Persian emphasis. Syria, previously at the political heart of the empire, became a relatively insignificant backwater.

Initially, the Abbasids managed successfully to administer an empire which included the whole of the former Umayyad Empire except Spain and Morocco. By the mid-ninth century, however, their power was beginning to fragment, with numerous local dynasties appearing in Syria. The Tulunid and Ikhshidid Dynasties of Egypt in turn controlled parts of southern Syria from AD 868 to AD 969. The latter were ousted by the Fatimids, who went on to make Cairo their capital in AD 973 and later extended their power into Syria. The Fatimids represented the Ismaili branch of Shi’ite Islam, and as such were a direct threat to the power of the Sunni Abbasids, having set up their own rival caliphate. In the north, meanwhile, the Hamdanid and Mirdasid Dynasties ruled in turn in Aleppo from AD 944-1070. Both, however, were only nominal rulers, being at one time or another subject to either the Fatimids to the south or the Byzantines to the north (the Byzantines were making the most of the chaos and trying to regain territory in their former empire).

While all this was happening, the Seljuk Turks, originally chiefs of the Oghuz tribes of Transoxania, had conquered Persia and established a kingdom there with Isfahan as their capital. Being Sunni Muslims, they came to the aid of the Abbasids, who were experiencing their own domestic problems in Baghdad. In return the Seljuk ruler forced the Abbasid caliph to recognize him as ‘Sultan’ (literally ‘Sovereign’) of the Universal State of Islam. Thus the Abbasids became in effect helpless puppets of the Seljuks. The Seljuks occupied Aleppo in 1070 and defeated the Byzantines at Manzikert in eastern Anatolia in 1071. By 1076 they had extended their control over most of Syria, including Damascus, and largely ousted the Fatimids, though they were never strong enough to completely expel them from the region. After 1095 two Seljuk rulers emerged in Syria with Aleppo and Damascus as their capitals. These rulers set up what were in effect their own rival dynasties, both only nominally subservient to the Seljuk sultan in Isfahan.

After the death in AD 632 of the founder of Islam, the Prophet Muhammad, the Arab tribes he had welded together into such a formidable force set about conquering the fertile lands to the north and west. Led by the military commander Khalid Ibn al-Walid, the Muslim Arab army captured Damascus in AD 635 and then withdrew to defeat the forces of Byzantium at the Battle of Yarmouk in AD 636, effectively marking the end of Byzantine rule in the region. They again occupied Damascus the same year, and then proceeded to sweep through the land of present day Syria, meeting little resistance from the local peoples. By AD 656 the whole of Persia had also been conquered.

Out of these early settlements the first cities and city-states developed during the Early Bronze Age (3300-2250 BC). Initially, this took place in southern Mesopotamia, where the Sumerian civilization began to evolve from the fifth millennium BC. Here, an economy based on animal husbandry and large-scale irrigation of the river valleys between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers produced substantial surpluses. This in turn allowed powerful city-states to emerge with their specialized divisions of labour and complex social hierarchies and administrations. The most important was Uruk in southern Mesopotamia, from which the term ‘Late Uruk culture’ is derived. The most significant feature of the Sumerian civilization was the development of a form of writing based on the cuneiform script.

At the same time, from around 2900-2300 BC (a period in Syria generally referred to as the Early Syrian II period and in Egypt as the Early Dynastic period), the settlements at Mari (Tell Hariri) on the Euphrates and Ebla (Tell Mardikh) on the Central Plains to the south of Aleppo were also evolving into powerful city-states in their own right. Both developed their own systems of writing based on the cuneiform script of the Sumerians. The comparative developmental histories of southern Mesopotamia, Mari, Ebla and the Khabur plains have been described by one historian as a “research frontier looming on the horizon”. Certainly the relationships between the various city-states and their embryonic empires were complex, and the discovery (made only in the 1960s) of a thriving Bronze Age city-state of the mid-third millennium BC at Ebla has forced historians to revise the emphasis previously given to the city-states of southern Mesopotamia in the early development of empires.

It would appear that while the growth of the southern Mesopotamian cities was fuelled by intensive irrigation-based agriculture, the extensive rain-fed plains of the Jezira and northwest Syria were also fuelling a similar growth in powerful city-states. Moreover, there appears to have been a steady shift in the centre of power, first from the southernmost portion of the Tigris-Euphrates alluvium to the dry farming plains of the Jezira, and then to the plains of northwest Syria around Aleppo. It has been suggested that the decline of the southern Mesopotamian centres of power was due to water-logging and salinization brought about by the intensive irrigation on which these city-states depended, a problem not encountered in the extensive rain-fed, grain producing regions of the Jezira and northwest Syria.

The development of these city-states was interrupted (or at least modified) in around 2350 BC by the invasion of the Akkadians, the first territorial empire to emerge in the ancient Middle East. This empire was founded by Sargon (2334-2271 BC), who initiated its expansion from its base in Mesopotamia, while his grandson Naram-Sin continued the process, extending the empire eastwards towards the Persian Gulf and westwards towards the Mediterranean.

During the first part of the 11th century, the Fatimid caliph Al-Hakim had ordered the destruction of 30,000 churches in Egypt, Palestine and Syria (including the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem). This, along with the pleas of the Byzantine emperor, who was becoming increasingly alarmed at the Seljuk threat, prompted Pope Urban II to call for a crusade to restore the Holy Lands to Christian control.

Thus the First Crusade set off from Europe, arriving in Syria in 1097. To their surprise, instead of a formidable enemy in the form of the Seljuk Turks, what they found was a region deeply divided and fragmented into numerous petty principalities. While the Crusaders were united by their religious mission of a ‘Holy War’, the Muslim peoples against whom they were marching were thoroughly embroiled in their own domestic conflicts. After a nine-month siege they took Antioch, massacring many of its inhabitants, including its Greek Orthodox community. They then continued southwards along the Orontes River. Despite meeting little resistance, they were by this time in a sorry state, riven by disease and famine. The shortage of food in particular was reaching crisis point, prompting the infamous massacre at Maarat al-Numan. Continuing south, they swung inland through the Homs Gap, briefly occupying the castle which was later to become Krak des Chevaliers. After unsuccessfully besieging Aqra (near Tripoli), they headed straight down the Mediterranean coast, turning inland again near Jaffa to arrive at Jerusalem. After just over a month, on 15 July 1099, the Holy City fell to the Crusaders, its inhabitants, like those of Antioch, being subjected to an indiscriminate massacre.

The French Mandate was for Syria a period of traumatic dismemberment. First the French carved out Grand Liban in August 1920, adding Tyre, Sidon, Beirut, Tripoli, the Akkar region, the Bekaa Valley and the south to the protected Maronite enclave of Mount Lebanon to create the basis for the modern state of Lebanon. Then parts of the old Ottoman province of Aleppo were given to Turkey. Internally, meanwhile, the French dissected the country, creating two mini-states centred on Aleppo and Damascus while establishing separate Alawi and Druze ‘enclaves’ (in the mountains around Lattakia and the Hauran region to the south of Damascus respectively) and maintaining direct French rule in the northeast. By the time of the French withdrawal in 1946, Syria comprised an area of a little over 185,000 sq km, compared with the former Ottoman province of Syria which ran to around 300,000 sq km.

Within Syria, the desire for an united ‘Greater Syria’ was matched by the strength of feeling against the French administration and their policy of ‘divide and rule’. In 1925 a revolt broke out amongst the Druze of the Hauran region, initially over local disagreements with the French, though it soon spread to Damascus and other parts of the country. The French response, which included the bombing of Damascus, was uncompromising and by 1927 the revolt had been suppressed.

In an effort to appease opposition to their rule, they allowed elections to take place in 1928 to a Constituent Assembly which was charged with drafting a constitution. The draft constitution declared that, “the Syrian territories detached from the Ottoman Empire constitute an indivisible political unity. The divisions that have emerged between the end of the war and the present day do not diminish this unity.” This was unacceptable to the French and, after attempts to negotiate a compromise failed, they dissolved the Assembly in 1930 and unilaterally issued a new constitution less hostile to their rule.

New elections were held in 1932 and negotiations started on a Franco-Syrian treaty, but these also broke down and the Assembly was again dissolved in 1934. By 1936 growing opposition and disturbances which threatened to escalate into a full scale revolt prompted the French to send a Syrian delegation to Paris to discuss their demands.

The new French Popular Front government was more sympathetic and in September 1936 a Franco-Syrian Treaty was signed recognizing the principal of Syrian independence after a three-year ‘handover’ period. In 1938, however, with tensions growing in the wider region, the French announced that the treaty would not be ratified. The following year, in an effort to ensure Turkish neutrality in the Second World War, the enclaves of Antioch (Antakya) and Alexandretta (Iskanderun) were formally ceded to the Turkish (the source of a continuing territorial dispute between Syria and Turkey).

The Ayyubid line in Damascus was brought to an abrupt end in 1260 by the invasion of the Mongols, who swept across Syria leaving a trail of destruction in their wake. Already in Cairo the Mamluks had risen to power in a coup in 1250, and they were able to defeat decisively the Mongols at the Battle of Ain Jalud in Palestine. One of the Mamluk generals at this battle was a man named Baibars who subsequently made himself sultan and took over from the vanquished Ayyubids. Baibars (1260-1277) proved himself to be a formidable adversary, unleashing the full force of his military genius on the Crusaders. By the end of his rule he had driven them from Antioch, Krak des Chevaliers and Safita. The offensive was continued by Qalaun (1280-1290) who dislodged the Crusaders from Qalat Marqab, Lattakia and Tripoli, and by his successor Khalil who took Acre and Tartus in 1291. The Crusaders continued to cling to a tiny foothold on the coast, occupying the island of Arwad until 1302, but already they had been reduced to little more than an anachronism.

The Ottoman Turks, who had already established themselves in Asia Minor during the middle of the 15th century and made Constantinople their capital, met little resistance when they swept into Syria in 1516, led by the sultan Selim I (1512-1520). Under his rule, the Ottomans extended their empire into Egypt, capturing the last Mamluk sultan, and even into Arabia, taking the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina. His successor, Suleiman the Magnificent (1520-1566), further extended the empire to include Serbia, Hungary, Mesopotamia and all of North Africa except Morocco. Thus present-day Syria formed just a small part of a vast empire.

Nevertheless, the region benefited considerably from its incorporation into this new empire. An efficient administrative system was put in place, new trading links were established and ambitious building projects undertaken. It was during Suleiman’s reign that the great Tekkiyeh as-Suleimaniyeh complex in Damascus was built. One of the first things Selim I had done on capturing Cairo was to proclaim himself caliph (since the final collapse of the Abbasid caliphate in 1258, the title had been held by a puppet of the Mamluks). The Ottomans took great care also to ensure that the great pilgrimage route to Mecca, which they now controlled almost in its entirety, was managed properly. As a result, they soon succeeded in legitimizing their assumption of the caliphate and establishing themselves as Protectors of the Faith. Damascus flourished in its role as the last great staging post on the Hajj to Mecca. Aleppo, meanwhile, was opened up to European traders by ‘capitulation’ treaties with the European powers and prospered even more vigorously, its souqs and khans thronging with commercial activity.

Inevitably for such a vast empire, Ottoman rule was rarely directly applied, with pashas or local governors holding office in the major cities and exercising control over large administrative districts. As long as taxes were collected and paid on time, and peace maintained, the sultans in Constantinople were happy not to interfere. At times, the local governors, or even their subordinate tax collectors, were able to carve out what amounted in effect to more or less fully independent kingdoms for themselves.

The 18th century saw a period of stagnation in the Ottoman Empire, which was followed in the 19th century by a more serious revolt. The viceroy of Egypt, Muhammad Ali (1805-1849) succeeded in establishing his own independent power base there, shaking off the authority of the Ottomans. His son, Ibrahim Pasha, carried the uprising into Syria and Lebanon in 1831, ousting the Ottoman forces from the region and carrying out wide ranging modernizing reforms. At one stage it seemed that the Ottoman Empire would collapse, but in 1840 the European powers chose to intervene on the side of the Ottomans, alarmed at this upset to the balance of power in the region and the threat that it posed to their interests.

The immediate result of greater European involvement was to open Syria up to greater European influence. Christian educational/missionary schools were established in Damascus and Aleppo and the latter began to flourish as a point of commercial and cultural contact with Europe. At the heart of Ottoman political power in Constantinople, meanwhile, the Ottoman sultan was deposed in 1909 by the revolutionary movement known as the ‘Young Turks’, who established the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP). This brought with it an upsurge of Turkish nationalism which served to awaken amongst the Arab peoples a sense of their own Arab identity.

First World War and the Arab revolt

The modern political geography of the Middle East was largely shaped during the decade from 1914 to 1924. The onset of the First World War was of enormous significance to the region, which suddenly became a focus of international concern. The decision of the Ottoman Turks to ally themselves with the Central Powers (Germany and Austria-Hungary) placed them in direct opposition to the Allies. The harsh indifference of the Turks to local Arab peoples, along with a breakdown of civic administration as the Turks focused their attentions on the war, brought widespread famine and epidemics. Arab feelings against the Turks increased, culminating in the Arab Revolt, with the Sharif of Mecca, Hussein Ibn Ali, as the figurehead.

As the concept of Arab nationalism began to develop at the turn of the century, notably amongst the urban middle classes of Syria, it soon became clear that the only source of leadership to which they could turn was provided by the emirate of Mecca – an Arab Dynasty of great Islamic standing that was directly descended from the Prophet. Among those who had recognized this were the British, who in 1882 had established themselves across the Red Sea in Egypt. The contacts that the British had established early on with the various sharifian factions paid dividends when the Ottomans entered the First World War on the side of the Central Powers.

When the CUP’s puppet caliph Muhammad V declared the expected jihad against the Allies on behalf of the Islamic world, the impact on the Muslim populations in the Arab world and India was in fact negligible. The Ottoman-German advance into Aden did, however, mean that the Central Powers could threaten Allied shipping in the Red Sea and Suez Canal area (particularly now that the Germans had U-boats). Furthermore, their armies could be resupplied and reinforced by way of the Hejaz railway. Thus, for the Allies (and British in particular) a revolt in the Hejaz and Syria against the Ottomans would not only disrupt the Central Powers resupply lines to Aden, it might actually cut off the whole of the Ottoman-German forces in southern Arabia. Henceforth efforts were made by the British staff at the Arab Bureau in Cairo to increase contacts with Sharif Hussein and his sons.

Around 700,000 years ago, during the Palaeolithic period, Neanderthal man in the Middle East was engaged in primitive forms of hunting and gathering, utilizing simple stone tools to hunt large mammals such as elephants and hippopotami. This is the earliest evidence of ‘human’ activity to be recorded in the area.

Mu’awiya promptly made Damascus the seat of the caliphate and capital of the empire, heralding the start of one of the most glorious periods in the city’s history, and that of the region as a whole. Under the Umayyads, the empire grew to its greatest extent and by the end of the seventh century it stretched from Spain in the west to the Indus River in the east.

Though their origins were nomadic, the Umayyads were quick to adopt many aspects of the civilizations that had previously existed in the lands they now ruled. As Albert Hourani comments: “Gradually, from being Arab chieftains, they formed a way of life patterned on that traditional among rulers of the Near East, receiving their guests or subjects in accordance with the ceremonial usages of Byzantine emperor or Iranian King.” (Albert Hourani, A History of the Arab Peoples.) The synthesis of different influences – Graeco-Roman, Byzantine, Persian, Mesopotamian and indigenous – which occurred under the Umayyads is most graphically displayed in their architecture, and in particular their religious architecture. The famous Umayyad Mosque in Damascus, built during the reign of the sixth Umayyad caliph Khalid ibn al-Walid (AD 705-715), is the most spectacular example of this. But the Umayyads were also responsible for many other monuments, including Qasr al-Heir al-Sharki near Palmyra.

A concerted response to the Crusaders came from the Zengids, nominally subservient to the Seljuks. The Zengid Dynasty was founded by Zengi, who in 1124 had helped lead a Seljuk force in the relief of Aleppo from a Crusader siege. In 1128 he became the ruler of Aleppo. Under his rule, and that of his son Nur ud-Din (1146-1174), Aleppo became a centre of resistance against the Crusaders.

In 1144 the County of Edessa (present-day Urfa in Turkey) fell to Nur ud-Din, prompting the Second Crusade. Their attempts to besiege Damascus failed and the whole expedition ended in something of a fiasco. By 1154 the Zengids had themselves gained control of Damascus, uniting the Muslim opposition to the Crusaders in Syria. In 1169 Nur ud-Din sent a huge force against the Fatimids in Egypt. Led by Salah ud-Din (known to European historians as Saladin), the Zengid forces over threw the Fatimids in 1171, restoring Sunni orthodoxy there and, nominally at least, the authority of the Abbasid caliph. After Nur ud-Din’s death, Salah ud-Din returned to Syria and by 1186 had succeeded in uniting all the Muslim lands from Cairo to Baghdad under the Ayyubid Dynasty (named after his father Ayyub). In 1187, having defeated the Crusaders at the Battle of Hattin, he recaptured Jerusalem and also regained Acre, Sidon, Beirut and Byblos. The following year he conducted a whirlwind campaign which saw no less than 50 Crusader positions fall, although he avoided their most important and impregnable strongholds: Krak des Chevaliers, Qalat Marqab and Antioch.

The Six Day War of 1967 was another bitter disappointment for Syria and once again a serious blow to her self-confidence. The credibility of the ‘progressive’ Ba’athist regime which had come to power in 1966 was seriously undermined. In particular it began to be criticized for its heavy reliance on the USSR, and for its overriding emphasis on the importance of developing a neo-Marxist economy. The level of Soviet involvement in Syria was seen by many as bordering on imperialism, while the debacle of the Six Day War was seen as evidence that the regime was more interested in neo-Marxist ideology than the struggle against Israel.

A ‘nationalist’ camp within Ba’ath began to gain ground, one which recognized the need for a pragmatic approach to the economy and emphasized the importance of developing stronger ties with Syria’s Arab neighbours and overthrowing Israel. The ‘nationalist’ camp was led by Hafez al-Assad, who gained control of the all-important Ministry of Defence. Initially Assad was constrained by Soviet threats to withdraw all aid, which would have left Syria greatly weakened militarily and economically. However, improved relations with China strengthened his hand. The power struggle came to a head over the question of Syria’s support for the Palestinian guerrilla groups in Jordan, whose might was being challenged by King Hussein in a showdown which became known as Black September. Assad disapproved of direct Syrian military intervention on the side of the Palestinians, fearing that it would damage pan-Arab unity, and that the Palestinian guerrilla groups were about to trigger another confrontation with Israel at a time when Syria’s military forces were too weak to have any chance of success.

Until his death in a car crash in January 1994, the charismatic Basil al-Assad, Hafez al-Assad’s eldest son, had clearly been the heir apparent, his poster appearing widely alongside that of his father. Instead, his quieter and more retiring younger brother, Bashar al-Assad was recalled from his studies in London, where he was training to be an eye specialist, and sent to a military academy, quickly rising to the position of colonel. He was given responsibility for certain foreign policy issues, including one of the most important: Lebanon. In the months before his father’s death, he had been involved in an anti-corruption drive which targeted high-ranking officials in what was seen by many as an attempt to sweep away some of the old guard and establish his own power base in the regime. The military training, foreign policy responsibilities and anti-corruption drive were all clearly part of the grooming process, but when his father died, Bashar was just 34 years old and had held no official position in the state or party hierarchy other than president of the country’s computer society.

The early years of the Syrian Republic were marked by chronic instability and bitter disappointment. Having already been in existence as a separate entity for a generation, the appeal of restoring ‘Greater Syria’ (expressed in various proposals of union with Iraq) was tempered by a new sense of Syrian nationalism and a fear of being absorbed within such a union. Indeed, the parallel ambitions of Jordan’s King Abdullah to lead a united ‘Greater Syria’ were viewed with outright hostility and politically Syria was more closely aligned with Egypt and Saudi Arabia than with either Iraq or Jordan.

The defeat of the Arab countries by the newly formed State of Israel in the 1947-1949 war shook Syrian confidence and created much resentment within the country. In 1949 there were no less than three military coups. In 1950 a new constitution was put in place and Hashim al-Atasi, a widely respected politician, installed as president.

In 1951 there was another coup, engineered by Adib al-Shishakli (the leader of the final coup of 1949), who by 1953 had installed himself as president. The following year he, in turn, was ousted after popular demonstrations in Aleppo and Damascus. The 1950 constitution was restored, Atasi reinstated as president and new elections held.

The new found stability of Assad’s regime, along with its relatively enlightened approach to economic development brought with it a veritable flow of foreign aid into Syria from Arab oil producing countries, the UN, World Bank, Europe and even the US. Before the October War foreign aid had averaged just US$50 million annually; after 1974 it jumped to US$600 million. At the same time, the sharp rise in world oil prices saw Syria’s oil exports rocket in value from US$70 million in 1973 to US$700 million in 1974. Remittances from Syrians working in the Arab oil producing countries likewise shot up. In short, after faltering along without any real direction from one unstable regime to another, Syria suddenly started to experience a sustained period of solid economic development which brought with it tangible benefits to ordinary people.

The Alawis in particular benefited from the economic boom, but also other minority groups and previously neglected sections of society. Perhaps inevitably, however, the socialism of the Ba’ath regime gradually started to give way to more selfish opportunism. By 1976 there were around 3500 millionaires (in S£s), as compared with just 55 in 1963, the majority beneficiaries of the commissions, kickbacks and outright corruption which accompanied the government’s close involvement in economic affairs. Muhammad Haydar, the vice-premier of Economic Affairs, was notorious for the personal wealth he amassed and became known as ‘Mister Five Percent’. Assad’s youngest brother Rif’at, unassailable in his position as commander of the elite Defence Companies which acted as a kind of praetorian guard for Assad’s regime, indulged himself in a luxurious international jet-set lifestyle and enjoyed access to unlimited government funds.

The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in August 1990 gave Assad a chance to mend his bridges with the West. Having restored diplomatic relations with Egypt (severed since 1977 in protest at Sadat’s peace overtures towards Israel), Syria agreed to send troops to Saudi Arabia as part of a pan-Arab deterrent force. Despite strong support for Saddam Hussein amongst Syria’s Palestinians, Assad supported calls for an unconditional Iraqi withdrawal from Kuwait. By December it was estimated that Syria had more than 20,000 troops in Saudi Arabia. Officially, Assad maintained that they were only there to help defend Saudi Arabia from a possible Iraqi invasion, and they did not directly participate in the massive Desert Storm offensive against Iraq in early 1991. However, the very fact that Assad had aligned himself with the US-led anti-Iraq coalition represented a major turning point in Syria’s international standing, both in the Arab world and in the West.

Syria’s intervention in Lebanon in 1976 coincided with an upsurge in discontent at home. The economic boom was running out of steam, with many Gulf states withdrawing their aid in protest at Assad’s assault on the Palestinians in Beirut. Social inequality was growing, and opposition to the regime was finding a further focus in the form of extremist Sunni Muslim groups which resented minority Alawi rule and the Ba’ath promotion of secularism. The most prominent of these groups was the Muslim Brotherhood, which originated in Egypt during the 1920s. Its original aim had been to bring about an end to British rule in Egypt and to establish an Islamic state in its place. In the context of Ba’athist Syria, its Islamist ideology quickly became a banner behind which all the disaffected sections of Syrian society could unite. Acts of terrorism against prominent Alawi figures became ever more frequent, the most prominent being the massacre of at least 32 Alawi officer cadets at Aleppo Artillery School in June 1979. Almost exactly a year later, an assassination attempt was made on Assad himself.

This growing internal threat to the stability of the country was occurring in the context of serious setbacks for Assad abroad. The Camp David accords of 1978 led the following year to a full peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, seriously weakening the pan-Arab unity against Israel which Assad so cherished. On the Lebanese front, by 1981 the stand-off between Syria and Israel over the positioning of SAM missiles in the Bekaa Valley was threatening to escalate into a full scale confrontation, while at the same time Syrian troops found themselves fighting the Christian Phalangists they had previously been sent to protect. Israel, meanwhile, formally annexed the Golan Heights. To the east, the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq War in 1980 further added to the regional tension. Syria gave its support to Iran, reflecting the long-standing hostility which existed between the Syrian and Iraqi branches of the Ba’ath party. With Jordan offering its support to Iraq, Syria and Jordan found themselves once again at loggerheads and tensions between the two countries nearly escalated into open hostilities on several occasions.

At home things finally came to a head in February 1982 with a full-scale uprising against Assad’s regime in the conservative town of Hama. It took three weeks before the uprising was finally quelled, and in the process much of Hama was devastated. Though Assad survived this challenge to his authority, the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in June of that year presented him with an even more serious problem. Many of Syria’s fighter aircraft in the Bekaa Valley were destroyed, along with most of its SAM missiles. The Syrian presence in Lebanon was rendered all but impotent in the face of the sheer might of the Israeli military. By 1983 Syrian forces in Lebanon were under attack not only from the Israelis but also from Sunni Muslims in Tripoli, Maronite Christians in the centre of the country, and guerrillas loyal to Yasser Arafat in the Bekaa Valley (Assad had backed extremist elements within the PLO which were attempting to overthrow Arafat).

In November 1983 Assad suffered what was widely believed to be a heart attack and for several weeks disappeared completely from the public eye while convalescing. A power struggle ensued, with Assad’s younger brother Rifa’at spearheading the challenge to Assad’s supremacy. By March 1984 a showdown seemed certain. Eventually, following a dramatic face to face meeting between the two brothers, Rifa’at lost his nerve and Assad was able to reassert his authority. That year Rifa’at went into effective exile, along with others who had played a part in the confrontation.

On 6 October 1973 Syria and Egypt launched simultaneous attacks on Israel in an attempt to regain territory lost during the 1967 war. The attacks were timed to coincide with the Jewish Day of Atonement, Yom Kippur, the holiest day in the Jewish calendar, hence the popular name the Yom Kippur War, although in Syria the encounter is known officially as the October War of Liberation. Having taken Israeli forces by surprise, Syria and Egypt were able to make dramatic advances, Syria reclaiming a substantial portion of the Golan Heights. The subsequent Israeli counter-offensive saw both the Egyptians and the Syrians pushed back, in the case of the Syrians to within 32 km of Damascus. Egypt signed a disengagement agreement on 18 January 1974, but the Golan fighting dragged on, with an agreement not being signed until 30 May of that year. The outcome of this conflict was at best inconclusive, but it did at least allow Syria to claim some degree of victory and went a long way to restoring Syrian self-confidence, as well as strengthening Assad’s position.

Perhaps the most important consequence of Syria’s stance in the Gulf War was that America began to acknowledge Syria’s key role in any future Arab-Israeli peace deal. Following the end of the Gulf War, America intensified diplomatic efforts to initiate negotiations between Israel, the Arab states and Palestinian representatives. In July 1991 Assad agreed to participate in direct negotiations with Israel at a regional peace conference. Although the historic Madrid conference of October 1991 was largely symbolic, a series of bilateral negotiations between Syria and Israel followed. From the Syrian point of view, the primary aim of these talks was to secure an unconditional Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights (occupied since the 1967 Six Day War) in return for peace. At the same time, however, Assad made it clear that any agreement with Israel would have to form part of a comprehensive settlement in the Middle East. Assad was well aware that Israel hoped to reach separate agreements with each of its neighbours, as it had already done with Egypt, so weakening the collective bargaining power of the Arab world, something which he wished to avoid at all costs.

Assad’s decision in 1992 to allow Syrian Jews to leave the country if they wished was seen as a conciliatory signal towards Israel. Though a breakthrough on the issue of the Golan Heights at times seemed imminent, the various rounds of bilateral talks dragged on without any real progress. The signing of the Declaration of Principles (DOP, better known as the Oslo Accords) between Israel and the PLO in September 1993 represented a serious setback to Assad’s attempts to maintain an united Arab front. Nevertheless, after a meeting between President Clinton and Assad in Geneva on 20 January 1994, Syria indicated its willingness to establish, ‘normal, peaceful relations’ with Israel. Progress continued until late 1994, when Assad suspended negotiations, ostensibly in protest at Israeli demands for a mutual reduction in the military presence around the Golan, but no doubt also in protest at the signing of a formal peace treaty between Israel and Jordan in October 1994.

Talks resumed in March 1995 and by May a ‘framework of understanding on security arrangements’ was announced. Syria maintained that any agreement on the Golan Heights would have to be linked to an Israeli withdrawal from southern Lebanon. Eventually the US-brokered plan collapsed after Syria objected to Israeli demands for early warning stations on the Golan. The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin in November 1995 threw the Peace Process into renewed uncertainty. Negotiations resumed with the new Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres. Initially, there were promising signs of progress, with Peres advancing a new 10-point plan. However, Hezbollah attacks on Israel from southern Lebanon continued, prompting Peres to retaliate with ‘Operation Grapes of Wrath’ in April 1996. Apart from the renewed carnage and bloodshed, this resulted in the negotiations stalling once again. In May 1996 the right-wing Likud leader Benjamin Netanyahu was elected prime minister. Netinyahu’s uncompromising stance, refusing to cede an inch of the Golan to Syria (not to mention his policy of promoting Jewish settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, and insisting on an extremely narrow interpretation of the Oslo II accords), effectively brought the Peace Process to a complete halt.

Many perceived the result of the 1999 elections in Israel and the victory of Ehud Barak’s Labour party as a vote in favour of the Peace Process. However, early optimism that Barak would be able to reach a final agreement with the Palestinians, and even Syria, was soon replaced by a more realistic outlook. Initially, negotiations between Israel and Syria looked promising, but by January 2000 they had been broken off. In March 2000, the US President Bill Clinton and President Assad of Syria met in Geneva in an attempt to restart the talks, but without success.

Bashar’s first months in office began with real hope of reform and political freedom. Media restrictions were eased and private publications were allowed to be distributed for the first time in nearly 40 years. The new president also ordered the release of 600 political prisoners. It was said that Bashar was keen to initiate a programme of reforms and modernization similar to that undertaken by King Abdullah II in Jordan. Behind the scenes though, the more conservative elements of the formidable military and secret police as well as the Ba’ath party were alarmed at the progress of modernization and after a brief period of openness Bashar moved more slowly and cautiously in an effort to consolidate his power and not antagonize the more conservative elements of his government. The granting of real political freedom in Syria has yet to be realized.

Since assuming office, regional events have provided a huge test to the young president. Spiralling violence in Israel and The Palestinian Territories led to the eruption of the second intifada and the official suspension of the Peace Process after an emergency summit in Sharm el-Sheikh between Arafat and Barak failed to reach any agreement. The resounding victory of hardliner Ariel Sharon in the Israeli elections of February 2001 hammered a final nail in the coffin for further peace talks between Syria and Israel.

The 9/11 attacks and George Bush’s ‘war on terror’ significantly altered US-Syrian relations. Despite the Ba’ath government’s history of dealing heavy-handedly with religious fanaticism on its own turf and the overall peaceful co-existence of religious minorities within Syria, the Syrian government’s refusal to expel Palestinian organizations from the country led to the Bush Administration labelling Syria as ‘an outpost of Tyranny’ and adding Syria to a list of nations in an extended ‘axis of evil’. The US-led invasion of neighbouring Iraq on 20 March 2003 and the on-going war there turned relations between Syria and the US even frostier when Syria was accused of failing to prevent, and even helping, foreign fighters slip over their 450-mile border with Iraq to join the insurgency against the coalition troops. In May 2004 the US government imposed economic sanctions against Syria and increasingly Syria found itself out in the cold.

The assassination of Lebanon’s popular ex-prime minister, Rafiq Hariri (a vocal opponent of Syrian involvement in Lebanon) in Beirut on 14 February 2005 added to Syria’s diplomatic woes. The bombing in downtown Beirut which killed twenty and wounded more than 100 led to massive protests in Lebanon against Syria’s continued military presence within the country, and eventually the toppling of Lebanon’s pro-Syrian government. It was widely believed within Lebanon that Syria had masterminded the assassination and despite Bashar al-Assad’s strong rebuttal the international condemnation that followed resulted in Syria withdrawing its troops from Lebanon in April 2005 for the first time in 29 years. A UN report published in October 2005 implicated Syria and pro-Syrian elements within Lebanon in the assassination though Syria has continued to this day to proclaim its innocence.

The Hariri assassination left Syria further isolated from the west as Europe as well as the US turned their backs on the nation. With few other alternatives Syria began to look towards alliances with other so-called ‘rogue states’, establishing close ties with Iran and to a lesser level, North Korea. The nation’s defiant dialogue with these traditionally anti-Western players led to September 2007’s Israeli aerial raid on a military site in northern Syria. A few months later the US would accuse North Korea of trying to help Syria build a nuclear reactor at the bombed site. This strange episode has yet to be explained properly by either side.

As the US continued to appeal for the Syrian border to be tightened so that militants could not enter Iraq, Syria was desperately trying to cope with a massive influx of refugees coming the other way. By July 2007 the number of Iraqi refugees in Syria was estimated at close to 1.5 million, putting a severe strain on the country’s public health and education services (which the refugees can access for free) as well as causing the cost of rent, particularly in Damascus where the majority of refugees have taken shelter, to more than double. As the war in Iraq continues to drag on, Syria has repeatedly called for help from the International Community to deal with the refugee burden placed on Iraq’s neighbouring states.

During the 2006 Israeli war against Hezbollah in Lebanon it was widely noted that Syria managed to keep out of the conflict although Israel’s bombardment of the country was thoroughly condemned by President Assad and Hezbollah were roundly supported within Syria. During the conflict an approximate 200,000 Lebanese flocked into Syria seeking temporary shelter putting a further strain on the country’s economy. In the aftermath of the war the European Union, and in particular France, have endeavoured to bring Syria back into the fold of the world community. A succession of visits to Damascus by European officials in 2007 signalled a significant thawing of attitudes towards the nation. The July 2008 meeting in Paris of President Assad, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and the newly elected Lebanese Prime Minister Michel Suleiman ultimately led to diplomatic relations between Syria and Lebanon being established for the first time since both countries achieved independence.

In 2008, for the first time in eight years, Syria and Israel announced that they were resuming peace talks. The indirect talks, mediated by Turkey, were the first ever not to be sponsored by the US and were heralded as a new start by some commentators. Despite the suspension of talks in December 2008 due to the formation of a new Israeli parliament, both sides in recent months have made overtures that they are again ready to go back to the negotiation table.

The Ba’ath (’Renaissance’) party was founded by a Christian Arab academic, Michel Aflaq in 1947. It espoused a combination of socialism, secularism and pan-Arabism and grew steadily in influence in Syria, spreading also to Lebanon, Jordan, Iraq and Egypt. It was the Ba’ath party which was one of the driving forces behind Syria’s short-lived union with Egypt, though within Ba’ath there were divisions between the pro-Egyptian, pro-Iraqi and nationalist camps. Following the collapse of the UAR, Syria experienced a couple more years of uncertain rule which saw the president ousted and then reinstated. In March 1963 a coup was staged by a Ba’athist military junta calling itself the National Council of the Revolutionary Command. The Ba’athist regime which followed purged the remaining pro-Nasserists from power, foiling a coup instigated by them, and set about implementing its socialist agenda, nationalizing banks, initiating land reform, etc. This disaffected the influential land-owning and merchant sections of society. In addition, by relying heavily on the military, which was dominated by religious minority groups and in particular the Alawis, the Ba’ath failed to win the support of the Sunni Muslim ulema. Politically the country was becoming polarized between conservative/traditional elements and modernizing socialist elements. In April 1964 these tensions erupted into civil disturbances in Hama which were swiftly suppressed.

At the same time, there were growing tensions within the Ba’ath party itself, between the more moderate and long-standing civilian politicians, and the more extreme left-wing elements (including many radical young officers from the military). These tensions finally came to a head in February 1966, with the radical elements seizing power. Many of the moderate Ba’ath politicians, including the founder of the Ba’ath Michel Aflaq and the head of state General Amin Hafiz, were placed under arrest.

When Lebanon erupted into civil war in April 1975, Syria, understandably enough, took a keen interest and followed events closely. A destabilized Lebanon might open the door to an Israeli occupation of all or part of the country (or at least result in the emergence of pro-Israeli government in Lebanon). It also threatened the stability of Syria itself. Direct Syrian military intervention was therefore perhaps inevitable, and indeed came the following year. By the end of May 1976 there were an estimated 40,000 Syrian-controlled troops in Lebanon, and the following month Syria launched a full-scale invasion. Initially Syria’s stated aim had been to protect the Palestinians, and subsequently to control their activities in Beirut. However, it soon became clear to Assad that his best hope lay in restoring stability to Lebanon by crushing the PLO and ensuring that a pro-Syrian government held power. Following the appeal of the Maronite president Suleiman Franjieh for help, Syria switched sides.

Thus Assad found himself attacking the PLO and their allies and defending the Maronite Christians, much to the dismay of the rest of the Arab world. (During the 15 years of civil war, Syria found itself aligned with practically every Lebanese faction at one time or another). By October the Arab League had ‘regularized’ the Syrian presence in Lebanon by giving authority to an Arab Deterrent Force (ADF) to maintain peace. The ADF was, however, dominated by Syrian troops and the Arab League in no position to dictate policy to Assad in what he regarded as his own backyard.

The vast majority of the people of Syria can be termed Arab, though the term is an extremely broad one, encompassing many different religious and ethnic groups. It is helpful, therefore, to look first at exactly what is meant by the term ‘Arab’, and how its meaning has evolved over time.

The earliest known use of the word comes from an inscription of the Assyrian king Shamaneser III, which refers to the Arabi. Thereafter it appears frequently, either as Arabi or Arabu, in Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions. ‘Arab’ first appears in the Bible (2 Chronicles 17:11), although it has been suggested that the ‘mixed multitude’ referred to in Exodus 12:38 as having accompanied the Israelites into the wilderness could equally be translated as ‘Arabs’ (in Hebrew, the word for each is erev and arav respectively, but in their written forms the vowels do not appear). More commonly, however, the Bible makes reference to the Ishmaelites. In Islamic and Hebrew tradition, the Arabs and the Hebrews are both descendants of the prophet Abraham, the Arabs through his son Ishmael and the Hebrews through his son Isaac. The birth of Isaac to Abraham’s elderly wife Sarah meant that Ishmael (born to Abraham’s concubine Hagar) was superseded as Abraham’s natural heir, whose descendants would inherit the Promised Land. Ishmael instead went out into the desert (Genesis 21).

The traditional definition of an Arab, as reflected in the biblical interpretation, was a nomadic inhabitant of the deserts of northern and central Arabia. Indeed, the word ‘Arab’ is thought to have been derived from a Semitic root related to nomadism, perhaps the word abhar (literally ‘to move’ or ‘to pass’), from which the word ‘Hebrew’ is also probably derived. The settled inhabitants of the rain-fed uplands of present-day Yemen could also be termed Arabs, and over the centuries many of the nomadic peoples traditionally recognized as Arabs themselves adopted a settled life based on agriculture and animal husbandry, but the broad definition of an Arab was at this stage fairly clear.

The definition of an Arab became more complicated with the arrival of Islam. The Islamic faith as revealed by the Prophet Muhammad was clearly intended, initially at least, specifically for the nomadic tribes of the Arabian Peninsula: ie the Arabs. However, the conquests of the seventh century resulted in the creation of a vast Arab Empire based on the precepts of Islam. Thus, Arab and Muslim identities became very closely intertwined, though the two were never synonymous.

Although Muslim and Arab identities came to be very closely identified with each other (at least by the Sunni Muslim majority in the region), there existed sizable minorities of Arab Christians (and indeed Jews), who had everything in common with their Muslim counterparts in terms of history, culture and language, but little in terms of religion. Ironically, the Christian Arabs were the first to articulate the concept of Arab nationalism, because they avoided the trap of confusing Arab and Muslim identities.

Christian theology has its roots in Judaism, with its belief in one God, the eternal creator of the universe. Jesus, whom Christians believe was the Messiah or ‘Christ’ (literally ‘Anointed One’) and the son of God, was born in the village of Bethlehem, some 20 km south of Jerusalem. Very little is known about his early life except that he was brought up in a devout Jewish family. At the age of 30, he gathered a small group of followers and began to preach in the region between the Dead Sea and the Sea of Galilee. Two years later he was crucified in Jerusalem on the charge that his claim to be the son of God was blasphemous.

The New Testament of the Bible, which, together with the Old Testament, is the text to which Christians refer to as the ultimate scriptural authority, consists of four ‘Gospels’ (literally ‘Good News’), and a series of letters by early Christians outlining the nature of Christian life.

Much of the early development of the Christian church took place within present- day Syria. At first, Christians faced persecution within the Roman Empire, but gradually, as the faith spread, it became more widely accepted. In AD 313 the emperor Constantine issued the Edict of Milan, which formerly recognized the right of Christians to practice their faith, and in AD 380 the emperor Theodosius declared it the official religion of the Roman Empire.

Soon afterwards, the Roman Empire was formally divided into East and West, with Constantinople (formerly Byzantium and today Istanbul) becoming the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire, better known as the Byzantine Empire. Under Byzantine rule, Christianity in the Middle East divided into numerous different churches. These different branches of the church arose out of somewhat obscure theological disputes over the nature of Christ, but also reflected the power struggles going on within the empire. Other regional centres of Christianity also developed their own theological doctrines and separate churches.

The orthodox (Dyophysite) view was that Christ was of two natures, divine and human, while the alternative view, that of the Monophysites, was that he was of one nature – purely divine. This latter interpretation was condemned as a heresy by the Council of Chalcedon in AD 451. The Monothelite doctrine, that Christ had two natures but one will, was seen as something of a compromise, and adopted by the Byzantine emperor Heraclius (AD 610-641) as a means of providing a solution to the Dyophysite versus Monophysite schism which was threatening to tear the church apart. In AD 680 the Sixth Ecumenical Council in turn condemned the Monothelite doctrine as heresy.

In the East, those who adhered to the orthodox (Dyophysite) view became known as Melkites (or Melchites), meaning literally ‘King’s Men’, in reference to the fact that they maintained their allegiance to the Byzantine emperor in Constantinople. The Byzantine emperors, meanwhile, regarded themselves as defenders of the Orthodox Church. Followers of the Monophysite, Monothelite and other ‘heterodox’ (as opposed to orthodox) theologies founded their own churches, including: the Antioch based Syrian or Jacobite church, named after Jacobus Bardaeus, a sixth-century monk responsible for organizing the Monophysites of Syria into a church; the Egyptian Coptic church based at Alexandria; the Armenian (Gregorian) church; the Nestorian (Chaldean) church, founded by Nestorius of Cilicia in the fifth century; and the Maronite church which emerged in the seventh century.

To begin with, the Eastern Church of Constantinople and the Catholic (Latin) Church of Rome existed in broad, if at times uneasy, agreement, but over the centuries doctrinal differences intensified, culminating in the great schism of 1054, with the Eastern Church refusing to accept the supremacy of the Pope and recognizing instead the Patriarch of Constantinople as its head. Later, many of the independent churches in the east renounced the doctrines regarded as heretical by the Roman Catholic Church and acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope. They became known as Uniate Churches, but were allowed to retain their respective languages, rites and canon law in accordance with the terms of their union. At the same time, the independent churches continued to exist in parallel, with the exception of the Maronite church, which became fully united with the Roman Catholic Church. Thus today, there is in the Middle East the Greek Orthodox and Greek Catholic church, the Syrian Orthodox and Syrian Catholic church, and the Armenian Orthodox and Armenian Catholic church. In addition, the Roman Catholic church is itself represented. Later arrivals on the scene were the Protestant and Anglican churches, which began preaching in the Middle East during the 19th century.

The word Islam translates roughly as ‘submission to God’. The religion’s two central tenets are embodied in the creed, ‘There is no god but Allah and Muhammad is his Prophet’ (Lah Illaha illa ‘llah Muhammad Rasulu’llah), which affirms the belief in the oneness of God and recognizes Muhammad as his divinely appointed messenger.

The Qur’an (generally referred to as the Koran in English) is Islam’s holiest book. The word translates literally as ‘recitation’ and unlike the Bible, the Qur’an is considered to be the uncreated (ie direct) word of God, as revealed to Muhammad through Jibril (the angel Gabriel). The text consists of 114 suras (chapters). Each sura is classified as Meccan or Medinan, according to whether it was revealed to Muhammad in Mecca or Medina. Most of the text is written in a kind of rhymed prose known as saj, and is considered by Muslims to be inimitable. Each chapter of the Qur’an begins with the words Bismillah al-Rahman al-Rahim (’In the name of Allah, the Merciful, the Compassionate’), an invocation which is also heard in numerous everyday situations.

In addition to the Qur’an, there is the Hadith body of literature, a record of the sayings and doings of Muhammad and his followers, which forms the basis of Islamic laws (Shariat), and precepts. Unlike the Qur’an, the Hadiths are recognized to have been written by men, and are therefore potentially flawed and open to interpretation. Thus they are commonly classified into four major categories according to their trustworthiness: Sahih (sound, true, authentic), Hasan (fair, good); Da’if (weak); and Saqim (infirm). The two most revered compilations of Hadiths are those by al-Bukhari and Muslim. It is in the interpretation of the Hadiths that most of the controversy surrounding certain Islamic laws and their application originates.

While Muhammad is recognized as the founder of the Islamic faith and the principal messenger of God, Muslims also regard him as having been the last in a long line of Prophets, starting with Adam and including both Moses and Jesus. They do not, however, accept Jesus as the son of God, but simply another of God’s Prophets. Both Jews and Christians are considered Ahl-e-Kitab (‘People of the Book’), the Torah and the Gospels being seen as forerunners of the Qur’an in Islamic belief.

Nearly all Muslims accept six basic articles of the Islamic faith: belief in one God; in his angels; in his revealed books; in his Apostles; in the Resurrection and Day of Judgement; and in his predestination of good and evil. Heaven is portrayed in Muslim belief as a paradise filled with sensuous delights and pleasures. Hell, on the other hand, is portrayed as a place of eternal terror and torture, and is seen as the certain fate of all who deny the unity of God.

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Canada, 151 Slater St, Suite 1000 Ottawa, Ontario, T613-569 5556, http://www.syrianembassy.ca.

Egypt, 18 Abdel Rehim Sabry St, Dokki, Cairo, T02-2335 8806, syrian-embassy@hotmail.com.

France, 20 rue Vaneau, Paris, T01-4062 6100, http://www.amb-syr.fr.

Germany, Rauchstrasse 25, Berlin, T030-501 770, http://www.syrianembassy.de.

Greece, Dimandidou 61, P. Psychico, Athens, T210-672 5577, http://www.syrianembassy.gr.

Italy, Piazza del’Ara Coeli 1, Rome, T066-749 801, Syria@email.it.

Japan, Homat-Jade, 6-19-45 Akasaka, Minato-ku 107 Tokyo, T03-586 8977.

Jordan, Abdoun, Prince Hashem bin Alhussein St, Amman, T06-592 0684, http://www.syrianembassy.jo.

Spain, Plaza Platería Martínez 1, Madrid, T91-420 1602.

Turkey, Abdullah Cevdet, Sokak No 7, Cankaya, Ankara, T312-440 9657; Consulate: Macka Cad no 59/3, Tesvikiye, Istanbul, T212-232 6721.

UK, 8 Belgrave Sq, London, T0207-245 9012, http://www.syrianembassy.co.uk.

Stomach upsets are common among travellers to Syria. They’re mainly caused by the change in diet (Syrian food is heavy on oil which can be hard to digest for people unused to this diet). The most common cause of prolonged travellers’ diarrhoea is from eating contaminated food or drinking tap water. Diarrhoea may be also caused by viruses, bacteria (such as E-coli), protozoal (such as giardia), salmonella and cholera. It may be accompanied by vomiting or by severe abdominal pain. Any kind of diarrhoea responds well to the replacement of water and salts. Sachets of rehydration salts can be bought in most chemists and can be dissolved in water. If the symptoms persist, consult a doctor. To avoid diarrhoea, drink only bottled or boiled water, avoid having ice in drinks and peel fruit and vegetables before eating. Use your sense when choosing a restaurant; if it’s a busy, popular place it’s more likely to be safe to eat there and food is more likely to be fresh.

In the summer months heat exhaustion and heatstroke are common health risks in Syria. This is prevented by drinking enough fluids throughout the day (your urine will be pale if you are drinking enough). Symptoms of heat exhaustion and heatstroke are similar and include dizziness, tiredness and headache. Use lots of fluids or better, rehydration salts mixed with water, to replenish fluids and salts and find somewhere cool and shady to recover.

http://www.btha.org, British Travel Health Association.

http://www.fco.gov.uk, British Foreign and Commonwealth Office travel site has useful information on each country, people, climate and a list of UK embassies/consulates.

http://www.fitfortravel.scot.nhs.uk, A-Z of vaccine/health advice for each country.

The influx of ATM machines over the past few years has made travelling in Syria much easier. The Commercial Bank of Syria (CBS) has ATMs in most medium-sized towns but their machines sometimes don’t accept foreign cards (even if they display Maestro, Visa and Cirrus network signs). Cards linked to the maestro network tend to have the most problems. ATMs linked to branches of the Bank of Syria and Overseas are usually reliable for most foreign debit/credit cards. Damascus, Aleppo, Hama, Homs, Lattakia and Tartus all have reliable ATMs but in smaller towns you may run into problems and it is not sensible to depend solely on using ATMs.

It’s still advisable to carry plenty of cash (in US$) for the times when an ATM won’t accept your card and for the smaller towns. Cash can be changed at most banks (including branches of CBS), and exchange offices (which are open for longer hours than the banks). Most mid and top-range hotels also prefer to be paid in US$.

These days traveller’s cheques (TCs) are more a hindrance than a help in Syria and you’d be better off using a mixture of ATM withdrawals and cash. Changing TCs is a lengthy and involved process that can take up an entire morning. Branches of CBS change TCs and charge a flat fee of S£25 per transaction.

Most major credit cards (Visa, MasterCard, American Express, Diners Club) are accepted at the more expensive hotels and restaurants, and at larger tourist souvenir and handicraft shops in the main cities. They can also be used to pay for airline tickets and car hire. Note that over-the- counter bank cash advances are officially not possible in Syria. That said, the situation is becoming much more relaxed and some of the luxury hotels, large shops and several private companies are willing to do so. If you need a cash advance ask at your hotel or anywhere displaying a Visa, MasterCard or American Express sign. Be aware that you will have to pay a hefty fee for the service.

Using the black market won’t save you any money as the rates offered are the same as the banks. The black market is most active in the area around Martyrs Sq in Damascus and in the city souqs. If you need to change money outside of banking hours ask at your hotel reception. Staff are usually happy to exchange cash at the official bank rate.

The cost of living and travelling in Syria is far cheaper than in Europe or North America and in comparison to neighbouring Lebanon, Jordan and Turkey, travel in Syria can be very economical. Be aware though that prices have risen dramatically over the past couple of years and how much you spend will depend not only on the degree of comfort you want to travel in, but also on how much you want to do in a given amount of time.

Accommodation will be your biggest expense in Syria, especially in Damascus and Aleppo where rooms are in high demand. In contrast, eating out is remarkably cheap, even in the fanciest restaurants. A 2-course meal in an expensive restaurant rarely works out at more than US$10-$15 per head and those on tight budgets will rarely pay over US$2 per meal by existing on a diet of mostly shawarma and falafel.

Travelling by public transport is inexpensive with tickets seldom costing over US$4. If you plan on hiring a car/driver budget approximately US$60-100 per day for travel costs. Entry fees to major museums and sites are cheap but if you plan on seeing a lot they can add up. Entry costs S£75 for small sites and S£150 for larger ones but those with an international student card (ISIC) are given huge discounts.

http://www.fco.gov.uk Homepage of the British Foreign and Commonwealth Office; gives current safety recommendations regarding travel in Syria.

http://www.newsfromsyria.com Excellent website with up-to-date news from the country.

http://www.syriatourism.org Official website of Syria’s Ministry of Tourism.

For those considering cycling in Syria, be aware that the heat during summer is fierce, and head winds and cross-winds can be a real problem (good tail winds always seem to be remarkably elusive). Given the distances involved, it is worth considering putting your bike on a bus for the longer journeys (slogging across the Syrian desert to Palmyra, for example, is only really for those interested in testing their endurance to the limit). Pullman buses have enough room to stow bicycles in their luggage compartments, while older buses generally have a large rack on the roof.

There are plenty of privately owned bus companies operating large air-conditioned coach services (known as Pullman buses) between the main centres in Syria. Due to competition prices tend to be cheap and services frequent and, in general, you don’t have to pre-book tickets. Of the many companies, Kadmous and Al-Ahliah seem to operate the most extensive routes. All Pullman bus services are non-smoking except for the driver, so if you have problems with cigarette fumes be sure to ask for a seat towards the back of the bus. On many routes you will need to show your passport to purchase tickets.

Hiring a car is an attractive option in Syria, particularly if you intend to visit remoter areas where public transport can be erratic or non-existent. The vast majority of car-hire firms are based in Damascus, though centres like Aleppo and Lattakia also have branches of the international car-hire firms. While the local companies are sometimes significantly cheaper than the international ones (some offer cars for as little as US$30 per day, as opposed to an average of around US$60 per day), it is very important to check the rental conditions and insurance cover carefully, as some smaller local companies don’t offer any cover other than third party with their vehicles. In such cases, if you have an accident you will usually be liable for the full cost of the repairs. If you have an accident, make sure you obtain a police report; without one, even full insurance arrangements may be invalidated.

The minimum age for car hire varies between 21 and 25. Most companies require that you have held a full licence for at least one year. An international driving licence is not compulsory, although it is useful to have one in any case. Most companies have a minimum rental period of three days. There is usually a choice between limited mileage (usually up to 125 km) and unlimited mileage; unless you are sure that you are not going to be covering any great distances, it generally works out cheaper in the end to go for unlimited mileage. Most companies require either a credit card or a cash deposit, usually in the region of US$500-1000.

The cheapest direct flights from London start at UK£300 with BMI (http://www.flybmi.com), who have daily flights to Damascus. British Airways (http://www.britishairways.com) and Syrian Air (http://www.syriaair.com) both also fly direct. Cheaper deals are available if you don’t mind a lengthy stopover on the way. Good options include Austrian Airlines (http://www.aua.com), Royal Jordanian (http://www.rj.com), Emirates (http://www.emirates.com) and Turkish Airlines (http://www.thy.com).

One month (or longer) gives you the time to really explore the country and get off the beaten path. You also have the flexibility to change your schedule and accept and enjoy any surprising opportunities that present themselves on your journey.

Trying to cover too much ground in one week will leave you exhausted but even with this limited time you should be able to cover Damascus, Aleppo and the major sites of Palmyra and Krak des Chevaliers. The following circuit can be comfortably achieved by public transport as well as by private vehicle.

If planned well two weeks allows you the flexibility to see some of the coast and maybe some of the sights to the east. Though it’s not at all impossible to do the following itinerary with a combination of public transport and some ride-negotiation with locals, due to irregular services (or non-existent services) to sights in the east you’d be better to allow three weeks if you’re not using private transport at all.